From June 15th to 19th, Myanmar President Htin Yee Lwin paid a state visit to China. This was Htin Yee Lwin's first visit to China since he was elected president in April this year, and it was also his second visit to China in less than a year. During the visit, Htin Yee Lwin attended several events in Beijing, Shanghai, and Hangzhou, and signed cooperation documents with the Chinese side in areas such as transportation and people's livelihood.
Currently, the situation in Myanmar is gradually stabilizing, and the country’s development and construction are entering a critical period. Therefore, this visit has attracted significant attention from all parties. In this context, the Observer Network spoke with Xu Liping, a researcher at the Asia-Pacific and Global Strategy Research Institute of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and the director of the Southeast Asia Research Center. Having long engaged in the study of Southeast Asian politics and international relations, and having conducted numerous field research trips to Myanmar, Xu Liping has profound insights into China-Myanmar relations. He will provide a detailed analysis and interpretation of topics such as the strategic considerations behind Min Aung Lin's visit, the prospects for the construction of the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor, and new developments in bilateral cooperation.
Ming Aung Lay's visit to China is mainly aimed at further strengthening cooperation with China. There is a border line of over 2,000 kilometers between China and Myanmar, and historical exchanges have spanned thousands of years. Therefore, it is very important to continue the bond of friendship between our two countries and deepen comprehensive strategic cooperation. In Ming Aung Lay's words, this is about building a "common destiny community of shared weal and woe" between China and Myanmar.
Additionally, Min Ang Le's visit to China coincided with the summit between ASEAN and Russia. However, this summit did not invite him to participate, which indicates that he has not yet been fully recognized by ASEAN countries. Therefore, visiting China at this time can also serve as an important foundation for gaining more international legitimacy for him.
Myanmar's President Htin Htan Lwin arrived in Beijing on the afternoon of June 15 and began a five-day state visit to China. Image source: Xinhua News Agency
I believe Min Aung Le that went to India was mainly due to domestic political considerations. Many people in Myanmar believe that Myanmar is too close to China and has become too dependent on it. Moreover, this election was not participated in nationwide as in previous elections; it was held only in some regions. Therefore, his legitimacy still needs to be tested. If he visits China first, it may lead some people to believe that China fully supports Min Aung Le’s government, which could create obstacles to his future governance. Therefore, visiting India first is a more practical choice.
In other words, Min Aung Lwin's first visit to India after taking office does not mean that he prioritizes India over relations with China. In fact, he himself is willing to visit China first, but he needs to alleviate the pressure from domestic Myanmar public opinion, especially those who question the legitimacy of his governance. Visiting India first and then China is more of a balancing strategy.
His itinerary for this visit to China is quite unique. Shanghai is at the forefront of China's reform and opening up, while Hangzhou represents the forefront of innovation in China. Therefore, he still hopes that through this visit, Myanmar can achieve a certain degree of "overtaking by changing the course" in terms of economic development.
Myanmar is still a developing country. However, through multiple visits to Myanmar, I have learned that there exists a dream in Burmese society: to leap directly from an industrial society to a post-industrial society. Although the industrial phase is inevitable, they are trying their best to bypass this stage by utilizing new technologies and innovations, such as green economy, artificial intelligence, and digital economy. During these visits, I believe they still hope to carry out work in these areas, which represents a major strategic direction.
In addition, Min Aung Lwin may also hope to cooperate with China in the field of aerospace satellites. For example, during this election, many areas were controlled by ethnic minority armed groups, making it impossible to count the number of voters. Remote sensing technology can help with this process. Moreover, Myanmar experiences frequent natural disasters, such as last year's major earthquake. Satellite images are very useful for disaster relief efforts, so he is particularly interested in these areas.
In March 2025, a strong earthquake of magnitude 7.7 occurred in central Myanmar. CCTV reported on this event.
I believe that ‘ensuring safety’ is mainly reflected in three aspects: First, project safety. For example, large projects like the China-Myanmar oil and gas pipeline have been disrupted by anti-government armed forces recently. Second, personnel safety. During the construction and operation process, the safety of Chinese personnel must be guaranteed. Third, financial safety, which refers to ensuring that investment funds can flow freely.
Currently, China and Myanmar are promoting the construction of the "Belt and Road" initiative. A very important aspect of this effort is the development of economic corridors, particularly the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor. This corridor also forms part of the China-South Asian Peninsula Economic Corridor and is one of the six major economic corridors of our "Belt and Road" initiative. It is a crucial project. The economic corridors include infrastructure such as roads, railways, and pipelines. Memorandums of understanding regarding transportation have also been signed. In the process of building these transportation facilities, the safety of equipment and personnel is of utmost importance. Many routes pass through areas controlled by ethnic minority armed groups, so ensuring safety is a critical issue. Therefore, it can be said that China's emphasis on "ensuring safety" is well-targeted, highlighting the key challenges in China-Myanmar cooperation under the "Belt and Road" initiative.
That is to say, when carrying out economic and trade cooperation, it is essential to balance development with security. Security is an important guarantee for development. It is hoped that the Burmese government will give priority to security considerations in this regard.
Currently, the Myanmar government has issued regulations allowing overseas security companies to enter Myanmar. This means that it is legal for Chinese security companies to enter Myanmar. However, there is one restriction: security personnel are not allowed to carry weapons, which poses some challenges for security work. Nevertheless, from a institutional perspective, the Myanmar government has enacted relevant laws, indicating their commitment to taking action in this area. Additionally, in areas controlled by the government, the safety of Chinese enterprises can be largely ensured, with military personnel guarding and protecting them, so there are no issues in this regard.
Overall, the Burmese government has taken some practical and effective measures, both in terms of institutional arrangements and the specific deployment and implementation by the military.
The Jiebao Port project has now entered the second phase. It can be said that everything is ready, with only the necessary wind not yet arrived – construction can begin. However, the main problem is that Jiebao Port is surrounded by ethnic minority armed forces. How to achieve connectivity during the construction process is a very difficult issue.
The China-Myanmar Oil and Gas Pipeline Project located on Ma De Island in Kyau Phaid, Myanmar. Image source: Xinhua News Agency.
Regarding these strategic issues, I personally believe that, especially after the emergence of the Middle East crisis, strategic routes, or key corridors, are particularly important for China's national security, energy transportation security, and trade channel security. Moreover, there is a tendency among countries like the United States and other Western nations to solidify the Malacca situation. What does "solidification" mean? Recently, media reports indicated that Singapore has tried to invite India to conduct so-called patrols or interventions in Malacca, which is a very dangerous signal. From this perspective, the issue of transportation routes has become an important factor in geopolitical games, affecting the long-term stability of a country, and is of high urgency. In this sense, Myanmar is our most convenient land route to the Indian Ocean.
Facing long-term, high-investment projects, I believe that safety considerations are more important than economic benefits. The construction of these strategic passages should be coordinated from the perspective of national security. From this perspective, some infrastructure projects in Myanmar, including ports, railways, and highways, are very important for China's energy security and trade channel security.
I think, on one hand, when we promote these large-scale projects, it is essential to give the local population a sense of achievement and happiness. Specifically, first, in terms of raw material procurement, we should try to purchase from local sources, which can stimulate local economic development. Second, in terms of labor employment, we should try to use local workers, which is also very important for us. Third, after the project is launched, we should try to train more local workers in maintenance and operations, thereby expanding local employment opportunities.
Additionally, issues related to land demolition and resettlement should involve the effective distribution of compensation funds to the relevant populations. Past experience has shown that while local governments were entrusted with distributing resettlement funds, some officials misappropriated or embezzled these funds, resulting in people receiving very little. This is also a major reason for public dissatisfaction with Chinese projects—they do not receive the benefits they deserve.
Therefore, during the progress of the project, we need to get closer to the local people and communicate directly with them. Regarding compensation for demolition, it is advisable to send it directly to the people through Chinese companies, rather than through the local government. I think this is a lesson worth learning.
Additionally, we have implemented many "small but beautiful" projects in Myanmar, and they have been very effective. For example, the "Ganquan Project" involved drilling wells in rural areas with water shortages, providing local residents with clean water sources. This project was also part of the Lancang-Min River Cooperation Fund. Through the East Asian Poverty Alleviation Project, we have also carried out many "small but beautiful" projects to improve rural infrastructure. Another example is the "Brightness Campaign," which helped Burmese patients with cataracts regain their vision, achieving excellent results.
It is very important that in the future, more ‘small but beautiful’ projects should be carried out to meet the urgent needs of the Burmese people, so that Sino-Burmese friendly relations can truly benefit the local population.
The ‘Lan-Mek Ganjuan Action Plan’ has enhanced the capacity for water supply engineering construction in local rural areas by conducting technology promotion and demonstrations in Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar. It has provided exemplary experience and technical support for water supply safety in rural areas of the Lanc-Mek region.
The many projects we mentioned earlier are all related to security issues. These security issues are directly connected to the peace process in Myanmar. Meanwhile, the peace process is closely related to ethnic armed groups, especially those in northern Myanmar. Therefore, there is a cyclical and dialectical relationship among these aspects.
When the Min Aung Lwin government took office, it proposed a "100-day peace plan" to persuade ethnic minority armed groups to surrender their weapons and negotiate with government forces within 100 days. However, the results were very limited. The peace process is now at a crossroads; whether to move forward or backward depends on whether the new Burmese government can come up with practical measures to make progress.
For the Myanmar government, I believe the key is to adopt an inclusive federal constitution.
Although Myanmar is nominally a federal state, in practice, the federal system has not been fully implemented. The core of the federal system is to ensure that minority regions have unique rights in economic and social development, while defense and foreign affairs are under the control of the central government. However, the current Burmese government still attempts to force minority armed groups to submit through military force and oppressive measures. Yet, since Myanmar's independence over decades ago, the minorities have never submitted. This has proven that the path of conquering through military force is ineffective and leads to a dead end.
Therefore, for the new government of Myanmar, the key to success is to adopt an inclusive constitution. The core requirement is to truly implement federalism. Only in this way can Myanmar have a real future, and the peace process will have a solid foundation.
Currently, there is little trust between the ethnic minority armed forces and the government. The conflicts in northern Myanmar are also closely related to China’s interests. Although we do not interfere in internal affairs, we have a border line of over 2,000 kilometers. Currently, more than 90% of the border crossings are controlled by ethnic minority armed forces, resulting in a stagnation of border trade. This has a significant negative impact on the economy of Yunnan Province and on the people of Myanmar. Therefore, China’s constructive role in promoting peace talks in northern Myanmar is not only in line with China’s own interests but also with those of Myanmar.
China has dispatched an Asian envoy to mediate and facilitate negotiations between the ethnic armed groups and the central government. This is very important. It can be said that China has played a constructive role in this process. At the same time, the Burmese government has also established relevant departments to jointly promote this matter. I believe it is crucial to form a concerted effort from the central government to local levels to promote reconciliation. Achieving reconciliation in Myanmar is beneficial for China, and it is also important for the security of our border region.
One of the issues is online gambling and cross-border crimes. In the past, drug smuggling was a serious problem, and although it has improved recently, it has not been completely eradicated. Additionally, there are issues related to water resource management and climate change, which present many opportunities for cooperation between both sides.
Online gambling and financial fraud have now entered a "deep water area". Recently, through joint law enforcement, major locations such as the Miaowadi KK park were basically eliminated. However, there are still some areas where online gambling and financial fraud occur. Therefore, it is still necessary to balance development with safety.
On the one hand, both sides should further strengthen joint law enforcement, expanding from bilateral cooperation to multilateral efforts. They should collaborate with Thailand, Cambodia, and even Laos to jointly combat fraud and financial crimes. Using the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation Mechanism as an important platform is crucial for promoting non-traditional security cooperation. On the other hand, in areas where fraud activities are rampant, it is necessary to address the root causes and solve the problems through development. Local communities should develop alternative industries and foster economic growth. Otherwise, people will continue to take risks in pursuit of quick profits, and the problem will remain unsolved.
One of the important directions of our “15th Five-Year Plan” is to increase consumption. China has a market of 400 million middle-class people. Increasing consumption means that Burmese agricultural products can be exported to China in larger quantities, and even enjoy zero tariffs. This will bring great opportunities for Myanmar. Myanmar is still an agriculture-based country. Importing large amounts of its agricultural products through the “15th Five-Year Plan” will help increase farmers' income, improve agricultural productivity, and promote agricultural development.
Secondly, the “15th Five-Year Plan” emphasizes investment in both assets and people, with a focus on human resource development. There is significant room for cooperation between the two sides in this area. For example, more scholarships can be offered to Burmese students to enable them to study in China. Through various forms of cooperation, the human resource level in Myanmar can be improved. As security conditions improve, we can cooperate in human resource training, including vocational education, advanced management talent training, and the exchange of talents for party and government leadership. This represents comprehensive human resource services, which is also a highlight of the “15th Five-Year Plan”.
Third, the ‘15th Five-Year Plan’ emphasizes high-quality development through new types of productive forces. This also helps Myanmar realize its dream of making a breakthrough in development. In terms of the digital economy and green economy, such as new energy sources, hydropower, and photovoltaic solar energy, Myanmar has abundant resources. We can complement each other's strengths and promote the development of green energy and clean electricity, which is very important for Myanmar. The ‘15th Five-Year Plan’ also mentions the development of artificial intelligence. Although Myanmar still has a significant gap in this area, we can do a lot in terms of talent cultivation.
In conclusion, the complementarity between China and Myanmar is very strong. Myanmar has rich resources and a vast market; its population exceeds 60 million, making it the largest in the Indochina Peninsula. Its geographical location is also of great importance, and the complementary advantages between the two sides are evident. As long as the “15th Five-Year Plan” proceeds smoothly, and Myanmar maintains political stability and security, I believe that Myanmar’s development will surely amaze the world.
In the 1960s, Myanmar's economic development level was comparable to that of Japan. At that time, it was a shining star in Southeast Asia, and Yangon was also an enviable developed city. However, after decades of war, economic development has become increasingly slow. The Burmese government should reflect on this historical phenomenon. Among all Asian countries, only a few still suffer from civil wars and conflicts, and Myanmar is an exception. Therefore, Myanmar should prioritize peace and security, attach great importance to this issue, and quickly resolve this difficult problem. Only by resolving it as soon as possible can Myanmar have a real future.
