On September 13, 2026, the election for the governor of Okinawa Prefecture concluded. Kusae Genzō, the former deputy mayor of Naha City who received support from political parties such as the Liberal Party, defeated the current governor, Tamani Tamiko, with 423,124 votes, achieving a vote share of approximately 59.4%. This marked a new record for the highest number of votes received in a governor election by Tamani Tamiko, set in 2018.
In the 41 municipalities across the county, Kusche led in 40 of them. The only exception was Oi-mie Village. In contrast, Tamachi received 276,060 votes, with a vote share of approximately 38.8%, trailing by about 147,000 votes. This means that Okinawa will once again elect a mayor supported by the People’s Party after 12 years. The “All Okinawa” coalition, which shares a common stance against the construction of a new port at Beikan, suffered losses in this election.
On September 15th, in Tokyo, Japan, Kushei Gushio, the winner of the Okinawa Prefecture governor election, met with Prime Minister Keizō Ejima and answered reporters' questions.
To understand this election, we can start with three questions: Why do voters hope for a change of the mayor? What do the new local governments plan to change? And what impacts might these changes have on Okinawa?
The controversy surrounding the Puchengi base needs to be traced back to the history of Okinawa. In 1945, during the Battle of Okinawa, the U.S. military occupied the area and built the Puchengi base on land where existing villages and farmland were located. After the war, Okinawa was under U.S. administration for a long time. In 1972, the U.S. transferred its military jurisdiction over Okinawa to Japan, but military facilities including Puchengi continued to be used by the U.S. military. Local residents protested the burdens caused by the U.S. military bases for a long time, leading to discussions between Japan and the U.S. regarding the return of the Puchengi base. This would involve the U.S. military withdrawing from the base and returning the land to Japan.
The Puchengan Base is located in the urban area of Iizuka City. There are residential buildings and schools nearby. The noise from military aircraft and the risk of accidents have long been a source of concern for residents. In 1995, a incident where three US military personnel raped a local girl led to large-scale protests, which further motivated negotiations between Japan and the United States to reduce the burden of bases in Okinawa. In 1996, both countries agreed to return the Puchengan Base, but with conditions: necessary alternative facilities must be built and put into use first.
thereafter, the location and construction plan for the alternative facility underwent multiple adjustments. In 2006, Japan and the United States clarified the plan to construct an alternative facility along the coast of Neza, in the city of Naha, which is also part of Okinawa Prefecture. The Japanese government believed that this would help eliminate the security risks posed by the Futenma base to the surrounding residents while maintaining the military functions of the U.S. military. Opponents, however, demanded the closure of the Futenma base as soon as possible. They were also opposed to building an alternative facility within the prefecture, arguing that this would still not solve the problem of the heavy burden of the base in Okinawa and would cause new environmental impacts. Whether to accept the relocation to Neza became an important dividing line in Okinawan politics for a long time.
The disagreement surrounding the relocation of the base in Minamizawa led different political forces to unite. The “All Okinawa” faction took opposition to the relocation as their common stance. Initially, this group included left-wing political parties and civil society organizations, and also attracted some conservative politicians and local business figures. Yuriko Kimura, supported by this faction, insisted on opposing the relocation of the base in Minamizawa. However, in recent years, the county government led by Yuriko Kimura has lost successive lawsuits related to the project, failing to stop the central government from continuing with the construction. This has put her in a difficult position regarding how to fulfill her promise to prevent the relocation. Kushe clearly accepted the relocation of the base in Minamizawa, viewing it as a practical way to eliminate the danger posed by the Futenma Base as soon as possible. At the same time, she advocated for the return of the base’s land and its subsequent development.
On May 20, 2025, Shiba Takumi received a ‘Kajiki Shirt’ as a gift from Governor of Okinawa Tani Dani (second from the left) at the Prime Minister’s Residence.
In this election, the two candidates received different bases of political support. Kushe received recommendations from the Liberal Democratic Party, the Japan Restoration Party, the National Democratic Party, the Participatory Party, the Japanese Conservative Party, and the Komeito at the Okinawa prefectural level. This support could help Kushe mobilize more voters from various political parties. The support from the Liberal Democratic Party also provided a political foundation for him to strengthen cooperation with the central government. Yuki, on the other hand, relied on the “All of Okinawa” coalition to gain support from political parties such as the Constitutional Democratic Party and the Japanese Communist Party. Unlike the previous election, he did not seek formal recommendations from any political party this time.
At the same time, residents' dissatisfaction with their economic and living conditions is also an important background factor to understand this election. According to data from the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare, the minimum hourly wage applicable in Okinawa at the time of the election was 1023 yen per hour, which is the legal minimum wage that employers are required to pay. This figure is the same as that in Kochi and Miyazaki Prefectures, making Okinawa one of the lowest in the country. In contrast, the minimum wage in Tokyo is 1226 yen, meaning Okinawa's minimum wage is about 16.6% lower.
Additionally, statistics from the Cabinet Office show that Okinawa's per capita income—a measure of the overall income level of the county—has long been among the lowest in the country. A survey by the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications revealed that in 2022, the proportion of employed people in Okinawa (excluding executives and directors) who were in informal employment was 39.6%, which is the sixth-highest rate in the country. A survey conducted in Okinawa County in 2021 also showed that among households with children aged 0 to 17, 23.2% had disposable income below the poverty line, adjusted for the number of family members. These figures highlight the urgency of improving income levels and employment conditions in the region.
In this election campaign, Kushe focused on economic development and improving people's livelihoods. He proposed policies such as revitalizing industries, increasing residents' income, and expanding support for families. He also emphasized his experience in serving in central and local governments, advocating for promoting Okinawa's development through stronger cooperation and negotiations with the central government. His campaign platform also calls for increased budgetary support for Okinawa's revitalization. The logic behind this proposal is to improve relations with the central government, thereby securing more policy and financial support. This will lead to the development of industries and the improvement of public services, ultimately increasing employment and raising residents' income.
From this perspective, Kusaka's victory can be understood as a reflection of voters' expectations for improving living conditions and changing the way local politics is conducted. However, when voters choose a candidate, they often consider multiple issues such as economy, public welfare, and base-related policies, as well as the candidate's ability to govern. Emphasizing economic development and hoping to improve relations with the central government does not necessarily mean that concerns about base issues have disappeared. Issues such as military aircraft noise, training accidents, sexual crimes involving U.S. military personnel, and water pollution around bases directly affect the lives of residents. In February 2019, a referendum was held in Okinawa regarding the Minamidai Port Project, and the opposition vote accounted for more than 70% of the valid votes. Improving public welfare and reducing the burden on bases are actually related demands.
Gushi said after being elected that she would listen to the opinions of all the citizens, including the supporters of other candidates. Kaisho Asami stated that the results reflected the Okinawan residents' desire for economic growth, and said she would work with the new governor to revitalize the local economy. Suzuki Shunichi, the chairman of the Liberal Democratic Party, believes that Gushi's victory has strengthened the political foundation of the Kaisho government.
The representative of the Constitutional Democratic Party, Shigeyoshi Mizoguchi, reiterated that his party's position on the suspension of the construction of the Benishoku base will not change. He also asked the new government to fully consider the various opinions regarding the construction of the base within the prefecture. The secretary-general of the Social Democratic Party, Shiraishi Rassar, also expressed deep regret over Yuki's defeat. He emphasized that issues such as concentrated military facilities, child poverty, low wages, and poor public transportation in Okinawa are important issues at the national level.
On August 1, 2026, residents of Okinawa County held a protest rally against the Japanese government's plans to build a U.S. military base in Okinawa.
Japanese major newspapers have different interpretations of the election results. The Yomiuri Newspaper sees the shift in county politics as a transition from focusing on anti-base measures to emphasizing residents' lives, and supports continued progress with the construction relocation at Biei-Koan. The Mainichi Newspaper reminds that it cannot be concluded that residents have fully accepted the relocation plan. The Nihon Keizai Newspaper emphasizes that county residents expect to reduce the burden of bases concentrated in Okinawa. Despite these different interpretations, all three newspapers emphasize the necessity of reducing the burden on Okinawa's bases.
This election may change the local political conditions for implementing Japan’s security policies in Okinawa. The acceptance of the construction relocation plan in Kure and Yoshinoko means that the confrontation between the county government and the central government regarding this project may weaken. However, the change of the governor does not automatically solve problems such as a weak foundation, project costs, and construction timelines.
Gushi's election may also make it easier for the central government to designate airports and harbors in Okinawa Prefecture as "specific utilization airports and harbors" for the Self-Defense Forces. If the coordination between the county government and the central government is smoother, the construction and use of related facilities may be more easily carried out, thereby enhancing Japan's military transportation and logistical capabilities in the southwestern region.
These arrangements also involve the issue of how security policy costs are shared: the central government makes decisions based on national needs, while local residents bear the direct impacts of the facilities. Improving relations between county governments and the central government does not mean that disputes over burden distribution will disappear. Additionally, there may be a “not in my backyard” effect: some Japanese people may support certain security policies proposed by the city at an abstract level, but their support might be significantly reduced when these facilities directly affect their own lives.
This election in Okinawa shows a close connection between local people's demands for improved livelihoods and regional security policies. Voters, driven by the desire to improve their lives, may choose to change their prefectural officials, which could alter the conditions under which security policies are implemented locally. These policies, in turn, influence residents' evaluations of the county government. For Kushe, the challenge of governing lies in being able to meet both residents' expectations for economic development and efforts to reduce the burden on bases. If cooperation with the central government mainly manifests as compliance with security policies, but fails to bring about tangible improvements in residents' lives, the support formed during the election may weaken.
