"I am honored to be considered a 'school of thought' on the subject of Nazarism."
On August 16th, local time, former Indian Finance Minister and senior leader of the Congress Party, Chidambaram, posted this statement on social media, taking the responsibility to bear a label that is extremely significant in Indian politics, and even carries a "anti-national" connotation.
A day ago, Modi announced in a speech at the Red Fort on Independence Day that India has basically eliminated the armed Naxalites from the mountains, but the “mental Naxalites” are still waiting for an opportunity to attempt to rekindle violence and anarchism. Therefore, India must “identify and isolate” these people.
Modi used the term “dimagi Naxal”, which literally means “Naxalists in the mind”, and can also be understood as “Naxalists in ideology or mindset”.
This designation in India is by no means an ordinary "left-wing" label.
"Nasaer faction" gained its name in 1967 from the uprising of peasant armed groups in the Nasarbaili area of West Bengal, India. It gradually became the umbrella term for the Maoist factions of the Communist Party of India. These organizations advocate for overthrowing existing national systems through protracted people's war and rural guerrilla warfare, with long-term activity concentrated in areas such as Chittisgarh, Jaikander, Orissa, and tribal regions across the central eastern mountains.
The most prominent organization at present, the Communist Party of India (Maoist), has been classified as a terrorist organization by the Indian government. According to the Indian Home Ministry, from 2004 to the end of November 2025, left-wing extremism and violence have resulted in nearly 9,000 deaths. Therefore, in the official context of India, referring to someone as a “Naxalite” does not simply indicate their radical ideology; it implies that they sympathize with armed rebellions, oppose constitutional order, and may even support violent activities.
But in the past few years, the use of this title has significantly expanded.
Modi and the Indian National Congress have often used the term "urban Naxalites" to refer to intellectuals, lawyers, and activists who defend Naxalite ideologies. This term is also sometimes used to target critics of the government. Now, the definition of "ideological Naxalites" has become even more ambiguous: a person does not need to be part of an armed organization or openly support Maoism in order to be classified as a Naxalite if their views are considered likely to incite social unrest.
This is precisely why the National Party chose to take the initiative to claim responsibility.
If Chidambaram is eager to prove that "I am not part of the Nathal faction," it amounts to accepting the political trial framework set by Modi: the ruling party determines what constitutes dangerous thoughts, and the opposition can only continuously prove their innocence. By deliberately answering with "I am proud of this," he is actually saying that if questioning the government or speaking up for vulnerable groups is also considered part of the Nathal faction, then that label is no longer something to be feared.
The spokesperson for the Indian National Congress, Jairam Ramesh, turned this into a ‘policy boomerang’. He sarcastically said that Modi first called his opponents ‘urban Naxalites’, and now he calls them ‘ideological Naxalites’, but ultimately he often accepts the ideas put forward by these people.
A typical example is the caste census. Opposition parties like the Congress Party have been demanding for many years that castes be included in national censuses, in order to ensure the welfare of people from lower castes. Initially, the Modi government refused this demand, but eventually announced in April 2025 that it would accept this proposal. The Congress Party thus attempts to prove that a request that was deemed dangerous and radical yesterday could become government policy tomorrow.
However, taking the initiative to claim responsibility also carries risks. The Indian National Congress could counter by claiming that the leaders of the Congress Party admitted sympathizing with Naxalism. Parliament Affairs Minister Regeech has clarified that Modi was targeting those who supported Maoists, separatism, and violent activities, and did not refer to opposition parties as “ideological Naxals”.
Therefore, the core of this debate is not who truly supports the Maoists, but who has the right to define political dissent.
As the armed Naxalite faction in the mountains gradually declines, the political significance of the Naxalite movement continues to expand. It has shifted from a clear security threat with well-organized and armed actions, to a vague identity that can envelop intellectuals, social movements, and even opposition parties. The way the Congress Party responds is not to avoid this label anymore, but to transform it from a “political charge” into a badge of “daring to oppose Modi”.
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