Russian President Putin visited the Kola Islands on August 13. This was his first visit to the islands in 26 years as the head of Russia, and it was also his second inspection of the Sakhalin region after 2013.
The local government in the Southern Kuriles had been hoping for Putin's visit, and Putin had also promised to come. However, this trip was delayed mainly because he still hoped to improve relations between Russia and Japan, and did not want to take actions that could overly stimulate Japan. But since Japanese sanctions against Russia have intensified after the Russo-Ukrainian conflict, Putin no longer holds any hopes for this. Therefore, he has finally fulfilled this promise.
Although in November 2010, then-Russian President Medvedev visited the island for an inspection (with Putin serving as the prime minister at the time), his personal prestige and political influence were far from those of Putin. Therefore, Putin’s visit to the island immediately sparked fierce protests from Japan, leading to further tensions in Russia-Japan relations.
Putin ascends the South Kuril Islands
Recently, Putin has been conducting a series of inspections in Siberia and the Far East of Russia. On the 12th, he visited the flagship of the Russian Pacific Fleet, the missile cruiser "Varyag", in Nonsov, the capital of Sakhalin Oblast. He observed the military exercises of the Pacific Fleet and also held a working meeting with the fleet commander and other senior military officials.
In this process, Putin emphasized that Russia does not pose a threat to Japan, and Japan has not made any demands. It is actually Japan that has real territorial claims. On the contrary, Japan has imposed sanctions on Russia based on the situation in Ukraine without clarifying the root causes of the conflict. Japan's recent "Defense White Paper" also lists Russia as one of the main sources of threat.
On the 13th, Putin arrived at Iturup Island, the largest of the South Kuril Islands (known as Oship in Japan). After arriving on the island, he first visited a local seafood processing factory, and then inspected schools and hospitals on the island. Video footage posted by Russian officials on social media showed that Putin also engaged with local residents, expressing his delight at the “good weather today.” Local residents responded that such clear weather was quite rare, and it was Putin’s arrival that brought the good weather.
On the afternoon of the 13th, Japanese Prime Minister Yukie Akamine expressed strong protest regarding Putin's visit to the island during a press conference. Akamine stated that the Koshin'kan Islands (referred to as the "Northern Four Islands" by Japan) are part of Japan's "inherent territory," and Russia's actions were "absolutely unacceptable." She also said that Putin's visit further damaged Japanese people's perception of Russia, making it more difficult for bilateral relations to recover in the medium to long term. On the same day, Japanese Foreign Minister Toshihide Moteki summoned Russian Ambassador to Japan and formally protested Putin's visit to the disputed island. Japanese right-wing media outlet Yomiuri Shimbun even openly called on the Japanese government to recall its ambassador to Russia, aiming to send a strong diplomatic signal to Russia.
The total area of the South Kuril Islands is 5038 square kilometers. In terms of size, the order is Zeta Island, Kouru Island, Shikotan Island, and Deutzai Islands (whose geographical distribution also roughly follows from north to south). Currently, the population is approximately 18,000 people. Looking back at history, the issue of the ownership of the South Kuril Islands can be traced back to the mid-19th century, when Japan and Russia were engaged in intense colonial competition in East Asia.
In 1855, the two countries signed the Treaty of Peace between Japan and Russia, which designated the waters between Okhotsk Island and Dofu Island as the border between them. Okhotsk Island was assigned to Japan, while the Kuril Islands to the north of Dofu Island were given to Russia. In 1875, both parties signed the Treaty of Exchange between Hokkaido and the Kuril Islands, transferring the entire island of Hokkaido (Sahaarlin) to Russia, while the Kuril Islands became entirely part of Japan. After the Russo-Japanese War in 1905, Japan and Russia signed the Portsmouth Treaty in the United States, which clearly assigned the southern part of Hokkaido to Japan.
It can be seen that, according to relevant treaties, the South Kipchak Islands were under Japanese jurisdiction before World War II, and Russia did not make any claims of sovereignty over them.
Korean Islands
From a legal perspective, the issue of the ownership of the Kuril Islands is closely related to three major international documents: the Yalta Conference, the Potsdam Declaration, and the San Francisco Peace Treaty. In February 1945, at the Yalta Conference, the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union reached an agreement stipulating that the Soviet Union would declare war on Japan within three months after the end of European conflicts, and would gain sovereignty over the Kuril Islands and Sakhalin Island. Later, in August 1945, the United States, Britain, and China issued the Potsdam Declaration, demanding that Japan relinquish all rights to the Kuril Islands and Sakhalin Island. The sovereignty over these islands was limited to Honshū, Hokkaido, Kyushu, Shikoku, and other small islands determined by the Allies.
On August 9, 1945, the Soviet Union declared war on Japan and occupied the South Kuril Islands from August 28 to September 5. On August 14, Japan officially accepted the Potsdam Declaration, and on August 15 announced its unconditional surrender. In September 1951, the San Francisco Peace Treaty was signed, with 48 nations reaching an agreement with Japan to officially end the war situation and confirm that Japan would give up ownership of the Kuril Islands and Sakhalin Island.
Since then, the issue of the South Kuril Islands has become a major obstacle in Japanese-Soviet (and later Japanese-Russian) relations. The positions of both sides on this issue have never been close to each other. Japan considers the South Kuril Islands as part of its inherent territory. The occupation of these islands by the Soviet Union, in violation of international law, is seen as an obvious act of aggression. The Yalta Agreement is regarded by Japan as an invalid secret agreement, lacking legal force. Japan also argues that the South Kuril Islands do not belong to the Kuril Islands mentioned in the Potsdam Declaration and the San Francisco Peace Treaty, but rather to the territory south of the boundary line confirmed by both Japan and Russia throughout history. Therefore, these islands should not be deprived. Japan demands that the Soviet Union unconditionally return the four islands, on which basis it would sign a peace treaty with the Soviet Union.
In contrast, the Soviet Union (and Russia thereafter) insisted that the Yalta Agreement, as an international treaty, had legal validity and was recognized by several countries. The Southern Kuril Islands were part of the Kuril Islands mentioned in the Potsdam Declaration and the San Francisco Peace Treaty. They were territories that the Soviet Union legitimately acquired during World War II and were a result of the victory against fascism. Japan had abandoned all rights to these islands. Therefore, the Soviet Union refused to return the Southern Kuril Islands to Japan, and this stance was unwavering.
Therefore, the two countries have yet to sign a peace treaty.
This dispute not only significantly affected the political relations between Japan and Russia, but also left profound implications at the economic and military levels. From an economic perspective, the strategic value of the South Kuril Islands cannot be underestimated. The islands are rich in fishery resources, oil, natural gas, rare earths, and metals. If developed, it would bring substantial economic benefits to both countries.
In addition, the South Kuril Islands serve as a key link between the Pacific Ocean and the Arctic Ocean. If effective maritime transportation and trade cooperation can be established, it will undoubtedly expand market opportunities for both countries and enhance their regional influence. However, territorial disputes make it difficult for the two countries to cooperate in the economic sphere. For example, the Japanese government prohibits its own companies from participating in Russian development projects in the South Kuril Islands, while Russia strictly regulates and monitors Japanese investments. Such measures not only harm the interests of both countries' enterprises but also reduce economic mutual trust and willingness to cooperate between them.
From a military perspective, the strategic significance of the Southern Kuriles cannot be ignored. For Russia, the Southern Kuriles are an important military base in the Far East. They serve as a vital point for maintaining security in the Pacific and ensuring strategic balance. Russia deploys land, sea, and air forces on these islands, including nuclear submarines, to strengthen its control over the islands and enhance its deterrence in the surrounding areas.
For Japan, the South Kuril Islands are not only a symbol of territorial integrity and sovereign dignity, but also an important port region for Japan to maintain security in Northeast Asia and ensure its strategic position. Among the South Kuril Islands, Okhotsk Island is particularly crucial. The deep-water harbor on the island has great military value. During World War II, the Japanese fleet that launched attacks on Pearl Harbor gathered here. From both military and strategic perspectives, this island has always been a focal point of contention between the two sides. In Japan's view, regaining control over the South Kuril Islands would help to further strengthen security cooperation with allies like the United States, thereby enhancing Japan's strategic autonomy and say in the Asia-Pacific region.
However, the existence of territorial disputes has intensified military confrontations between the two countries. Japan is expanding its military deployments in Hokkaido and strengthening joint exercises and intelligence sharing with allies like the United States. Russia, on the other hand, is increasing its military deployments in the South Kola Islands and deepening strategic cooperation and military collaboration with countries like China. For example, China has conducted joint naval patrols with Russia in the Sea of Japan. These actions not only increase mutual distrust but also raise the risk of military conflicts.
In fact, there is a possibility of resolving the issue of the South Kuriles. Even after the signing of the San Francisco Peace Treaty, Japan has been seeking to negotiate and sign a peace treaty with the Soviet Union in order to resolve this territorial issue. However, the positions of both sides on the ownership of two of the most important islands, Tokto Island and Kuni-shima Island, were far apart (these two islands account for 92.9% of the total area of the South Kuriles). Therefore, in 1956, a joint statement was issued, declaring the end of the state of war and the restoration of diplomatic relations. The statement clearly stated that both sides would strive to sign a peace treaty through negotiations. At that time, the Soviet Union promised to return the Tokto Islands and Sedia Island after the signing of the peace treaty.
In 1960, Japan and the United States revised the “Japan-US Security Treaty”. It was clear that both parties intended to expand their military presence in the Far East through this treaty, threatening peace and stability in that region. In light of this, the Soviet Union clearly stated at that time that if Japan were to return the Setsubata Islands and the Tashiro Islands in the future, Japan must ensure that no foreign troops were stationed on those islands. This was clearly aimed at the United States. Shortly thereafter, the Soviet Union changed its position, proposing conditions for the return of the two islands, and even claiming that the territorial issue between Russia and Japan had been resolved.
The Japanese Combined Fleet launched a surprise attack on Pearl Harbor from Kanazawa Bay on Okinawa Island.
After the end of the Cold War, Russia's stance on territorial issues relaxed somewhat. In the 1990s, Russian President Yeltsin and Japanese Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto held several summit meetings. Negotiations regarding territorial disputes between Russia and Japan made progress, leading to a limited convergence in both sides' positions. Russia inherited the treaty status established by the Soviet-Japanese Joint Declaration of 1956, and through the 1993 Tokyo Declaration, it officially recognized the territorial dispute between Russia and Japan.
In 2001, both parties issued a joint statement in Irkutsk, confirming that this joint statement was the starting point for signing the peace treaty. Subsequently, Foreign Minister Lavrov and President Putin both stated clearly that Moscow was willing to fulfill the terms of the joint statement.
At that time, there was a view in Japan that it would be more realistic to first withdraw Seda Island and Chima Island, and then continue negotiations regarding the ownership of the other two islands. Otherwise, even these two islands could not be regained. However, more opinions held that once Japan only accepted the two islands, the other two islands would never be able to be regained.
During the approximately 8 years that Abe served as Prime Minister twice, including attending the opening ceremony of the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics, he held 27 meetings with Putin during mutual visits and various international conferences. He also attended the “Eastern Economic Forum” in Vladivostok for four consecutive years. This was clearly an attempt to build close relations with Putin, in order to strengthen his personal relationship with him. He even specially presented a Akita dog to Putin.
Putin previously stated that the relationship between the two sides at that time was constructive, emphasizing that the deterioration of bilateral relations today was not caused by Russia. This clearly aims to show that Russia is not the initiator of the decline in bilateral relations.
However, with Abe Shinzo's retirement in 2020, the channel for high-level exchanges between Russia and Japan was completely closed. After the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict in 2022, Japan followed the United States and Europe in imposing multiple rounds of sanctions against Russia. As a result, high-level interactions between Japan and Russia came to an abrupt halt, and all bilateral conversations were cut off. Even when foreign ministers from both countries met at international multilateral conferences, they behaved as strangers, with no substantial communication taking place.
Previously, at the ASEAN Regional Forum Foreign Ministers’ Meeting held in Manila on July 23 this year, Japanese media reported that Foreign Minister Hirokazu Mochizuki had a brief exchange of words with Foreign Minister Lavrov. In an interview with Russian television, Lavrov responded as follows: “Actually, it was only after Lavrov sat down at the dinner party that he felt someone patting his shoulder from behind. Turning around, he saw Mochizuki, so he shook hands with him briefly before Mochizuki returned to his own seat. Is this what Japan refers to as ‘exchanging views on bilateral relations and regional issues’?”
Since 1964, the original Japanese inhabitants of the former Kuril Islands and their descendants have been permitted by the Soviet Union to visit the islands to pay tribute to their deceased relatives. As of 2020, a total of 4851 people have completed visits to the islands to visit their graves. However, following Japan's increasing sanctions against Russia, Russia terminated this arrangement and no longer approved Japanese citizens to visit the islands to visit their graves.
Russian tank turrets on the South Kola Islands
At the beginning of this year's New Year, Russia conducted a large-scale military exercise for two months in the waters off the South Kuril Islands. The Japanese side regarded this as a demonstration by Russia and expressed strong protest against it.
At the end of July this year, the Sakhalin Branch of the Russian Geographical Society announced that two unnamed islands within the Kuril Islands would be named after the legendary spy Zorg and the artillery hero Rublyunkov. The Russian side has already installed commemorative plaques with the names of both individuals on the two islands, and plans to mark these new place names on world maps. Japanese Chief Cabinet Secretary Morihiro Shigeta subsequently stated at a press conference that Japan would assess Russia's decision. The Japanese government is conveying its position on the issue of the Northern Territories through various channels to Russia. After verifying all the facts, Japan will take appropriate measures in accordance with its consistent stance.
Prior to the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, Lavrov proposed to Japan that Zorg's ashes be transferred back to Russian territory. This proposal was explicitly rejected by the Japanese side. In July this year, Japan launched joint research and production cooperation on military drones with Ukraine. Russia viewed this move as highly hostile behavior and warned Japan not to play with fire.
Regarding Putin's visit to the island, Russian experts generally interpret it as a move by Putin to close the door to relations with Japan and to have no further expectations towards Japan. Since Japan follows closely the footsteps of the United States and Europe, there is no need for Russia to take into account Japan's feelings anymore. They believe that Putin will conduct frequent inspections of the Kuril Islands in the future.
Obviously, in the foreseeable future, there will be no progress on this territorial issue at all.
